Art102: Art
History 2
New Ways of Exploring the Old West
By: Deborah
Weisgall
The New York
Times, March 1, 1998
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O |
VER THE last 30 years, the telling of American history,
especially the history of the American West, has undergone fundamental changes.
In counterpoint to the traditional European-American tale of triumphant
exploration and conquest, a complicated narrative has emerged: stories, told in
many different voices, of threatened native cultures and displaced populations.
And as ideas of history have changed, museums devoted to the West have had to
reinvent themselves. The exhibition "Powerful Images: Persistent
Voices," at the Cowboy Hall of Fame in Oklahoma City, is, in effect, a
show about this process of reassessment.
"Powerful Images" juxtaposes 125
European-American and Indian objects to explore the myths and realities of
American Indian culture. A war bonnet, for instance, is an image almost
synonymous with American Indians. Three objects from the show display that
motif, and each carries a very different meaning. One is an actual Lakota war
bonnet, almost eight feet tall, made from eagle feathers, otter and ermine,
buckskin, porcupine quills and beads. Another is John M. Stanley's 1857
painting "The Last of Their Race," in which an American Indian stands
on the shore of the Pacific Ocean in the setting sun, his head bowed in defeat.
He is wearing a bedraggled war bonnet, its plumage askew. In a third, the
profile of an Indian in a war bonnet decorates a can of Calumet baking soda.

John Mix Stanley, Last of the race
In each case, the object's cultural context is as
important as the object itself. The show wants the viewer to ask: "Is the
war bonnet a work of art, an artifact or a symbol of a people? What are the
assumptions informing 'The Last of Their Race'? And what does the baking-soda
trademark say about attitudes toward the Indian?" The curators also want
to highlight a larger issue: the tension between the story inherent in an
object and the story that emerges from it in a museum context.
Organized by Museums West, a consortium of 10 museums
whose collections focus on the American and Canadian West and American Indian
peoples, the show has been seven years in the making and will travel to the
member museums in the group until the year 2000. "It was an introspective
vision," said Peter Hassrick, the former director of the Buffalo Bill
Historical Center in Cody, Wyo., who instigated both the consortium and the
exhibition. "We asked ourselves: 'What is it that museums do to construct
an image of the people they're interested in? What do they do to affect public
perception?' And then we went farther, to ask: 'What does the public perceive?
What do Indians perceive about themselves?' "
"Powerful Images" marks how far many of the
participating museums have come from their original missions. The Buffalo Bill
Historical Institute, for instance, was initially established to memorialize
the soldier, scout and impresario whose Wild West shows, touring the United
States and Europe, established the enduring stereotype of the Indian: a hunter
who rode horses and killed buffalo. Now it contains definitive collections of
Western and Plains Indian art. The Cowboy Hall of Fame began as an effort to
preserve the legend of the cowboy and the free, unfenced West; it now houses
serious collections of Indian art.
Although these museums have changed, ingrained
attitudes, represented by the powerful images of the exhibition's title, shift
very slowly. "People are still disappointed because they want Indians to
stay the same, and stay in the 19th century," said Emma I. Hansen, a
Pawnee and the curator of the Plains Indian Museum at the Buffalo Bill
Historical Center who put together the exhibition's section of American Indian
objects.
One of the most persistent misconceptions is the idea
of the disappearance of Indian nations. From the early 19th century,
European-Americans assumed that natives were doomed; their extinction was part
of the cost of possessing paradise, the marvelous American wilderness.
Nineteenth-century artists like George Catlin and Karl Bodmer, who painted
portraits of Indians and scenes from their lives, were of the same generation
as John James Audubon; they were naturalists and adventurers, heroes of their
own romances. Catlin spent the years from 1832 to 1836 among the Indians of the
Great Plains. He published his observations as "Letters and Notes on the
Manners, Customs and Conditions of the North American Indians."
Discounting the Indians' ways of
remembering—their stories and the decorations on their
objects—Catlin believed that Indians had "no historians or
biographers of their own to portray with fidelity their native looks and
history." His intended audience was, of course, European-American, not
Indian.
"We have to make sure that this is not the only
source of historical information about Indian peoples," said Sarah Boehme,
curator of the Whitney Gallery of Western Art at the Buffalo Bill Historical
Center and the organizer of the European-American portion of the show. "We
have to look at this material within its context."
Artists like Catlin and Bodmer influenced more than a
century of followers, transmuting what had begun as scientific inquiry into the
perpetuation of a myth about the fate and characteristics of Indian peoples.
Frederic Remington, for example, cast Indians as savage enemies; his bronze
"The Cheyenne," which is in the show, dates from 1902, more than 20
years after the end of the Indian Wars. In 1973, relying on a 19th-century
vocabulary as if the modernist movement in art had not happened, John Clymer
painted "Tribal Hunt" as if buffalo had not become almost extinct and
Indians had not long since been confined to reservations.

The Cheyenne, 1901; this cast, by March 1907, Frederic Remington (American,
1861–1909), Bronze; 20 1/4 x 25 x 8 in. (51.4 x 63.5 x 20.3 cm)

John
Clymer (1907 - 1989), Tribal Hunt, 1972, oil on canvas
Not all of these myths about Indians were negative.
William M. Stanley painted "The Last of Their Race" after
participating in an expedition to lay out a possible route for the
transcontinental railroad; Isaac I. Stevens, the leader of that expedition,
owned the painting. It is far more sophisticated than Catlin's rough-and-ready
work; Stanley deploys a full array of academic techniques to dramatize the
tragedy of noble tribes. It depicts the outcome of an implied battle; the
victors, of course, were the people looking at the painting.
Although European-American paintings and bronzes in
the show date from the 1820's, the earliest Indian object, an Osage quirt, or
riding whip, dates from 1850. Ms. Hansen explained that "most ethnographic
material before that date is very rare."
"Objects were used up; materials were
recycled," she said. "These objects were not created as art. There is
no equivalent word in any Indian language for 'art.' They were not artifacts
either or remnants of an extinct culture. They were a vital part of life."
The significance of such objects was often
misinterpreted by European-Americans. That Lakota war bonnet, for instance, was
never worn into battle. "Eagle feathers signified bravery," Ms.
Hansen said. "The bonnet was made for an elder who had earned it, who had
once been a warrior. But at this point in his life, he would have been a man of
peace."
Perhaps, then, the image on the Calumet baking-soda
can is not so farfetched; a calumet, is, after all, a peace pipe. But it is the
appropriation of this image that the show questions, the transformation of
Indian into trademark and the effects of such stereotypes on American Indians
themselves.
In the last 30 years, these stereotypes have broken
down somewhat, but they remain strong. As late as 1980, Cecilia Yazzie, a
Navajo weaver made a hanging featuring astronauts. Her friends objected to the
subject matter and told her that astronauts were not appropriate for a weaving.
She replied that she had visited the Kennedy Space Center, and it was a part of
her life.
Perhaps the most crucial question that "Powerful
Images" raises is being asked about all kinds of art: what does it tell of
its particular time and set of circumstances? "The Last of Their
Race" reveals more about John M. Stanley and his mid-19th-century belief
in Manifest Destiny than it does about Indians on the canvas. The Lakota war
bonnet, a key to understanding the Lakota conception of the stages of life,
also points to a tragic episode in Lakota history.
In 1889, some Plains Indians, dying from disease and
starvation on reservations, believed that if they lived peacefully, worked hard
and performed the ghost dance, the dead would come back, game would be
plentiful, the white man would disappear, and the old way of life would return.
This was a moment when, for profoundly different reasons, both
European-Americans and Indians shared a longing for the old way of
life—the former because they had no more territory for expansion, the
latter because they saw no future. The exhibition includes a rare Southern
Arapaho ghost-dance dress decorated with moons and stars and animals, symbols
of the spirit world. In 1890, the year the war bonnet was made, Lakota
believers in the ghost dance were massacred at Wounded Knee.
But despite efforts to eradicate it, Indian culture
flowered on reservations, where it often incorporated new materials and new
inspirations. A Crow cradle board, for instance, dating from 1900, is
elaborately decorated with white and turquoise beadwork. The motif of stylized
flowers came from a European-American pattern printed on cloth, one example of
the ways Indian culture survived and changed.
"Objects mean different things,"
Ms. Hansen said. "They have different voices." "Powerful
Images" illustrates how museums have learned to ask questions; now it asks
viewers to look past familiarity and listen to what else these images have to
say.